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Tag: terrorism

  • The Universal Ethos of Moderation: Dismantling Extremism

    The Universal Ethos of Moderation: Dismantling Extremism

    Discussion continues among Americans about terrorism, extremism, jihad, and Islam. The discourse has three basic viewpoints. Put in simplistic frames, the anti-Islam perspective sees Islam as the “mother lode of bad ideas” and Muslims as an irredeemable enemy who evokes the specter of extremism and barbarity convulsing out of religious affiliation. The anti-Islam group voice alarm at the danger lurking at unsecured borders and in unsurveilled living rooms. The liberals, representing the second perspective, recoil at blanket condemnations of Islam and Muslims. Appreciators of pluralist society and multi-culturalism, they eagerly call for respect of Islamic and all other cultural traditions. This voice defends Muslims as a vast majority of peace-loving individuals who have had their religion taken hostage by extremists. The liberals are alarmed at the spreading bigotry that resonates with a wide swath of the American population, as fear and aversion cut through minds and hearts, ratcheted up by bellicose ultra-nationalists and ideologues. The third voice in this discourse, the Muslim one, is largely unceasing recitals of Islamic first principles — “Islam is peace” or the like — and dissimilitude to so-called “jihadists.” The response, both by choice and public demand, is an effort to answer for the political radicalization and terroristic behavior of individuals who commit incomprehensible violence and destruction — all in the name of Islam.

    Trying to Change the Narrative

    When Muslims say “Islam is peace” or “terrorism is un-Islamic” or “Muslim Americans are loyal to America” or “the extremists have hijacked the religion,” it makes no dent in the mindset of the antagonist of Islam. He seems determined to ignore any facts or any pronouncements that are contrary to his preconceived notion of who Muslims are and what Islam teaches. Yet, Muslims have been condemning terrorism ever since 9/11, with sincerity, without fail, loudly and clearly, as reflected in the public record. But the pronouncements are never enough to satisfy minds intent on ostracizing. And so demands for Muslim denunciation of terrorism continue unabated, and like a carnivorous plant, the antagonist sets his traps and gobbles up the condemnations like a feast of delectable insects. But his appetite is insatiable.

    When Muslims say “Islam is peace” or “terrorism is un-Islamic” or “Muslim Americans are loyal to America” or “the extremists have hijacked the religion,” it makes no dent in the mindset of the antagonist of Islam.

    With abhorrence deep-seated and habitual, he declares over and over that Islam and the Quran teach hatred and violence. Yet, going directly to the Quran, one is hard-pressed to find a scintilla of evidence of the purported malevolence. That does not stop the maligning of Islam, the faith of nearly one-fourth of the world’s population, even in academic circles. In the past 15 years, the dominant literature on “Islamic terrorism” has characterized the phenomenon as expression of religious fanaticism, intrinsic to Islam. An influential expositor on religious terrorism, Bruce Hoffman, in his book “Inside Terrorism,” writes, “For the religious terrorist, violence is first and foremost a sacramental act or divine duty executed in direct response to some theological demand or imperative. Terrorism thus assumes a transcendental dimension, and its perpetrators are consequently unconstrained by the political, moral or practical constraints that may affect other [secular] terrorists.”

    Liaquat Ali Khan, professor of law at Washburn University School of Law, writing in the Washburn Law Journal in 2005, describes the mindset of Hoffman and his ilk in his article, “The Essentialist Terrorist”: “There is a coordinated effort on part of academics, scholars, think-tankers, journalists and others to create a profile of Muslim militants as essentialist terrorists who commit heartless violence because they are spiritually addicted to violence. These authors argue that no concrete grievances or violations of rights cause Muslim militancy.” Khan notes that these writers obscure, knowingly or ignorantly, the core beliefs of Islam, thus making the case, quite successfully for those not familiar with authentic sources of the religion, that Islam and terrorism pivot from the same violence-prone provenance.

    Modern-Day Universal Civil and Political Rights

    Before taking a look at primary sources of Islamic doctrine appertaining to violence, warfare, taking of life, and related issues, it is useful to note that modern-day international law codifies rules for military action. In brief, these prescribe that wars be fought to achieve stated lawful aims; that military engagement should be brought to an end as quickly as possible; that unnecessary destruction should be avoided; that prisoners of war should be treated humanely and justly; that all civil and political rights must be respected; and that non-combatants should be protected from harm and hardship, among other rights of people and constraints upon warring parties.

    A Muslim cannot control how other people live their lives, can take responsibility only for his or her own words and actions, and regardless of the ignorance of any other person(s), the duty is to spread peace (28:55).

    International law also codifies the right to defend against aggression and to resist colonial and foreign domination and foreign occupation. In accordance with international human rights law, there are real and legitimate grievances — political, social, and economic — suffered by Muslims. Countries in the Middle East are targeted again and again by exploitative external actors, often colluding with internal authoritarians, resulting in egregious and contemptible violations of human rights. A birthright of individuals, the claim to self-determination, is encoded in Article 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). This treaty asserts the right of all peoples to “freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development,” among many other stipulated rights. The majority of nations in the world, including the United States, have ratified and signed on to this international treaty. The ICCPR, along with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and provisions in the U.N. Charter, comprise the body of international human rights law. Accordingly, human beings and states have the right to resist an aggressor and defend sovereign territory, including the right to use force. These legal forms of violence are also accorded legitimacy in any struggle for “liberation from colonial and foreign domination.”

    A great number of U.N. General Assembly resolutions have affirmed this legal right of resistance. United Nations General Assembly Resolution A/RES/33/24 of 29 November 1978 states, in part, that it “Reaffirms the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples for independence, territorial integrity, national unity and liberation from colonial and foreign domination and foreign occupation by all available means, particularly armed struggle” (emphasis added). Accordingly, the Iraqis who rose up to fight the military invasion in 2003 were not insurgents or terrorists. They were engaged in a lawful armed struggle to resist a foreign invasion.

    Universal Ethical Principles and Rights Codified in Islam

    The ethical principles codified in contemporary international law (albeit, too often ignored by modern states) with regard to warfare, prisoners of war, protection of civilians, and so on, were heralded centuries ago in Islamic law and tradition. Islam makes clear that there are uncompromising political, moral, and practical constraints in place. There are some general principles expressed in Quran and hadeeth that apply to any conflict or response to being wronged. For example, verse 41:34 instructs believers to repel the evil deed with something better; and there are Prophetic sayings such as “There should be neither harming nor reciprocating harm” (Ibn Majah and others); and “Do not be people without minds of your own, saying that if others treat you well, you will treat them well; and that if they do wrong, you will do wrong to them. Instead, accustom yourselves to do good if people do good, and not to do wrong [even] if they do evil” (Al-Tirmidhi). Getting more specific, there are many Quranic verses that speak to the constraints placed upon Muslims who engage in armed conflict. Some of these are as follows:

    Muslims are not to aggress or begin hostilities (see Quran 2:190)

    If the enemy inclines to peace, Muslims must do the same (Quran 8:61); if the enemy desists from fighting, then hostility must cease (see Quran 2:193)

    Those who are wronged or oppressed have every right to defend themselves, but they must guard against requiting that grievance with actions that may, in turn, slide into evil; so that making peace is preferable, if possible, and rewarded by God (Quran 42:40-42). Muhammad Asad writes in his commentary, “Hence, most of the classical commentators (e.g., Baghawi, Zamakhshari, Razi, Baydawi) stress the absolute prohibition of ‘going beyond what is right’ (i’tida’) when defending oneself against tyranny and oppression”

    Islam is, indeed, a religion of moderation, not one of extremism;.. peace is the objective, not conflict or war.

    While humans are given the right to defend themselves against wrongdoing and oppression, they are nonetheless advised to be patient in adversity and ultimately to forgive (Quran 42:43)

    Captives of war are to be set free or ransomed (Quran 47:4) — perhaps with the exception of war criminals, according to Shaykh Yusuf Al-Qaradawi in “Fiqh of Jihad”).

    Consider the Prophetic saying that there should be neither harm nor reciprocating harm, along with this verse: “…take not life, which God has made sacred, except by way of justice and law: thus does He command you, that you may understand” (6:151). These two Islamic teachings — on their own — dismantle the myth that “violence is first and foremost a sacramental act or divine duty” disseminated by the “violence is intrinsic to Islam” propagandists. These two teachings also demolish the justifications made by those who engage in terror in the name of Islam, who target non-combatants and civilians. Add to them the following hadith: “All creation is the family of God, and the person most beloved by God is kind and caring toward His family” (Agreed upon). These are not doctrines that proffer violence as divine duty; these are doctrines, promulgated a millennium and a half ago, that predate and foreshow the loftiest of contemporary humanitarian law.

    As to why fighting is sometimes necessary, the Quran cogently states: “And if God had not enabled people to defend themselves against one another, corruption would surely overwhelm the earth: but God is limitless in His bounty unto all the worlds” (2:251). And another verse: “And how could you refuse to fight in the cause of God and of the utterly helpless men and women and children who are crying, ‘O our Sustainer! Rescue us from this town whose people are oppressors, and raise for us, out of Thy grace, a protector, and raise for us, out of Thy grace, one who will bring us succor!” (4:75).

    In addition, the Prophet (pbuh) put in place many guidelines including the prohibition on killing children, women, the elderly, the sick or wounded, individuals in places of worship, or animals except for food; the forbidding of destruction of towns or villages or any places of human habitation; the prohibition of spoiling cultivated fields and gardens or uprooting or destroying trees. The many Quranic and Prophetic guidelines and instructions provide ethical principles of warfare, clearly and compellingly forwarded by Islam, very similar in detail and substance to modern-day laws of warfare.

    Skewing the Definition of Terrorism

    One important point should be made here. When it comes to Muslims, the following are all lumped together: acts of self-defense against an invading force, acts of resistance against colonialist domination, desperate acts of rage against tyranny and oppression, or deranged acts of murder by the criminally-minded, by one individual or a group. All these acts get labelled as terrorism, even if the targets are military rather than civilian. But the untold millions of men, women, and children killed by bombs, drone attacks, political sanctions, and all the other “counter-terror” or “counter-insurgency” campaigns, are whitewashed as unfortunate collateral damage in the “War on Terror.”

    Section 2656f(d) of Title 22 of the United States Code defines the term “terrorism” as “premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetrated against non-combatant targets by subnational groups or clandestine agents.” It is not unintentional that “subnational” groups only fit the definition. What about “national” groups, i.e., countries, which engage in “politically motivated violence perpetrated against non-combatant targets”? To cut to the chase, we can quote Noam Chomsky as he poses the obvious question: “I don’t know what name you give to the attack that’s killed maybe a million civilians in Iraq and maybe a half a million children, which is the price the Secretary of State [Madeline Albright] says we’re willing to pay. Is there a name for that?”

    Skewing the Meaning of Jihad

    The Arabic word jihad means “struggle,” or exerting oneself to the utmost in any good or beneficial endeavor. Yet, mention of the word causes immediate paroxysms of fear and disdain in the minds of many Americans. Sheikh Rashid Al-Ghannoushi, points out in “What is New about Al-Qaradawi’s Fiqh of Jihad?” (available online) that Shaykh Al-Qaradawi makes clear distinction between jihad and qital (fighting), noting that the Quranic command to undertake jihad is a Makkan verse, at a time when there was no fighting. Jihad in that verse referred to the jihad of dawah. Al-Qaradawi quotes Shaykh Ibn Taymiyya, that jihad “can be with the heart, by calling to Islam, by countering invalid arguments, by advising or facilitating what is beneficial to Muslims, or by one’s body — that is, fighting.” Shaykh Al-Ghannoushi stresses, though, that “The natural state of affairs in relations between Muslim and others is peace and cooperation in goodness. Islam abhors war and only engages in it unwillingly and as a necessity.”

    Professor T.J. Winter (Shaykh Abdal Hakim Murad), the Shaykh Zayed Lecturer of Islamic Studies in the Faculty of Divinity at Cambridge University and Director of Studies in Theology at Wolfson College, has aptly noted, “Terrorism is to jihad what adultery is to marriage.” Al-Ghannoushi, along these lines, observes that irhab, terrorism, as carried out by groups in the name of Islam, is illegitimate, that declaring “war on the whole world is an illegitimate use of jihad in an inappropriate setting, terrorizing innocent people – Muslims and non-Muslims – in order to achieve alleged political ends inside or outside Muslim lands, flagrantly contravening the principles and ethics of jihad in Islam. Hence Al-Qaradawi [in Fiqh of Jihad] condemned violent acts committed by extremist groups in Muslim and non-Muslim countries against innocent people, whether tourists or others. He further stripped the indiscriminate killing and shedding of innocent lives committed by these groups of any legitimacy.”

    Bernard Lewis, Professor Emeritus at Princeton University, is considered in Western circles to be a leading scholar and expert on the Middle East. He is an unapologetic critic of modern Muslim societies and cannot, therefore, be accused of being an apologist for Islam. Yet, he writes quite forthrightly in his book, “Islam: The Religion and the People”: “Muslim fighters are commanded not to kill women, children, or the aged, unless they attack first; not to torture or otherwise ill-treat prisoners; to give fair warning of the opening of hostilities or their resumption after a truce; and to honor agreements… At no time did the classical jurists offer any approval or legitimacy to what we nowadays call terrorism. Nor indeed is there any evidence of the use of terrorism as it is practiced nowadays” (p. 151). Writing in the Wall Street Journal on September 27, 2001, following the 9/11 attacks, Lewis states: “What the classical jurists of Islam never remotely considered is the kind of unprovoked, unannounced mass slaughter of uninvolved civil populations that we saw in New York…For this there is no precedent and no authority in Islam.”

    Dismantling Extremist Ideology

    Shaykh Al-Ghannoushi writes, “Al-Qaradawi is extremely careful to distinguish between extremist groups that declare war on the whole world, killing indiscriminately, tainting the image of Islam and providing its enemies with fatal weapons to use against it, on the one hand, and on the other groups resisting occupation. And as much as he condemns the former and delegitimizes its foundations, he defends the latter, and calls on the Ummah to support them, particularly in Palestine, as long as their operations are against military targets.” Al-Ghannoushi goes on to summarize Shaykh Al-Qaradawi’s dismantling of each and every argument used by those who wage war on the world. The ideology of ISIS is founded on the theory of the entire world being the abode of war if it is not the abode of Islam, with corresponding aberrations including expansion of territory under their control through use of ultraviolent and terroristic means, including suicide bombings against Muslim authority such as in their May 2015 offensive against Ramadi, in Iraq; forcible conversions to Islam; and acts of cruelty, persecution, and murder against local populations, both Muslim and non-Muslim, that shock and appall the staunchest heart.

    In order to achieve their dominationist ambitions, they must disregard the multitude of verses in the Quran, above and beyond the many already cited, that declare that even when fighting becomes inevitable against aggressors, Muslims are not to exceed limits of morality and decency (2:190); that there is no compulsion in religion (2:256); that when an individual rejects Islam, Muslims are to remember that their responsibility is only to deliver the message (3:20).

    This point, that there is no coercion in Islam and that Muslims are only to deliver the Message and leave the decision to embrace or reject as a matter between that individual and God — there are so many verses in the Quran that convey this same principle: the Prophet was not sent as a “keeper over them” (4:80, 6:104, 6:107, 27:92); that nothing is incumbent on the Prophet but to deliver God’s message (5:99); that Muslims must keep in mind that whoever cleaves to the truth does so for his own good and those who stray harm only themselves, and that, again, the Prophet, and by extension, Muslims in general, are not custodians over them (10:108); that Muslims are to exhort others wisely and discuss with them in the best manner, knowing that God sees who is on the right path and who goes astray (16:125); that a Muslim cannot control how other people live their lives, can take responsibility only for his or her own words and actions, and regardless of the ignorance of any other person(s), the duty is to spread peace (28:55).

    Those who founded and direct ISIS, and all those who follow their ideology and participate in their terror campaign, must ignore all the above verses and the many more that are spread throughout the Quran. They have to ignore the divine injunctions, listed above, that warn against aggression, or refusing to accept overtures of peace, about not allowing persecution to ultimately turn the persecuted into a persecutor.

    They spurn the Quranic ordinance that all people have the right to due process, that life may be taken only within the parameters of justice and law, that Islam must not be forced upon any individual in that only by voluntary choice does it have any meaning and value for that person. Extremists also have to ignore all the Prophet’s warnings about not harming non-combatants, restraining from treachery, destruction of vegetation or animals, or places of human habitation. And then there is a clincher: “And if your Lord had pleased, surely all those who are on the earth would have believed — all of them; will you then force men till they become believers?” (10:99).

    Moderation, Not Extremism

    In what universe could the verse just cited conjure up a world in which Muslims are bent on world domination, where non-Muslims are forced to convert, where intolerance rules the day?! Shaykh Al-Qaradawi writes, “[W]e can live, under Islam, in a world that promotes peace and security rather than fear, tolerance rather than fundamentalism, love rather than hatred. We can live with the United Nations, international law, human rights conventions and environmentalist groups.” Al-Ghannoushi underscores that “Al-Qaradawi has developed a principal theory in contemporary Islam, from which all his views and stances emanate, and to which he tirelessly calls, widening its appeal and marginalizing its opponents – that is the principle of Islamic Wasatiyya or moderation. This was inspired by the verse in the second chapter of the Qur’an, ‘And thus we made you into a middle (wasat) nation.’ Thus, he presents Islam as the middle position between opposing and conflicting rigid positions; as the middle ground that brings all together, a middle position between materialism and spiritualism, between individualism and collectivism, between idealism and realism, etc.”

    One cannot read the many verses and hadeeth throughout this article and come away with anything but conviction that Islam is, indeed, a religion of moderation, not one of extremism; that is seeks to bring succor to the world, not terror; that peace is the objective, not conflict or war; that freedom of conscience is to be safeguarded rather than corralled or obliterated. Next time someone asks you about Islam’s position on violence, terrorism, or jihad, have ready on your tongue some of the salient points, some of the eloquent verses, some of the revealing hadith. It may be your coming-of-age child who asks, so learn the points, verses, and hadith by memory, so that you can speak from the heart. Make that a spiritual jihad against terrorism.

    Will the antagonists listen to an authentic reading of Islam? Some yes, some no. “And say: ‘The truth is from your Lord.’ Then whosoever wills, let him believe, and whosoever wills, let him disbelieve” (Quran 18:29).

  • Rising to the Next Level: Institution Building and Civic Engagement

    Rising to the Next Level: Institution Building and Civic Engagement

    Mosques and other Islamic organizations and institutions have never been more active and widespread than they are today. The imperative for greater engagement in society, and increased activities to serve the needs of the growing community, have also never been more pronounced. Muslims have launched initiatives like One America and Canadian Muslim Vote to encourage participation in federal elections. Mosques like the Islamic Society of Central Jersey have opened their doors to those of other faiths in events like “Common Ground Connection,” and others like the Ummah Mosque in Halifax and Worcester Islamic Center have held open houses and “Meet a Muslim” days to welcome non-Muslim neighbors, show them hospitality and friendship, and answer their questions about Islam. Individual Muslims, on their own initiative, have held events like “Meet a Muslim Family” or “Talk to a Muslim” in the wake of growing Islamophobia. Mosques, Islamic centers, and organizations have participated in soup kitchens and meal programs for the homeless and needy, as well as running food banks and free medical clinics for the underserved like the Muslim Welfare Center in Scarborough in Toronto and at the Islamic Association of Collin County in Plano, Texas.

    Often, the biggest obstacle in the way of any institution’s ability to properly serve the needs of its community is a lack of knowledge and understanding of what those needs really are.

    Many mosques and Islamic centers have educational programs including daily or weekly classes on various topics, as well as classes catering especially to the youth, in addition to organizing and coordinating programs for Muslims as well as non-Muslims. Conferences like those held by ICNA, ISNA, Reviving the Islamic Spirit, and ILEAD promote education and awareness. Various Muslim media initiatives like The Muslim Link, Message International, Islamic Horizons, Illume, AltMuslim, and others, provide a voice to communities, aim to correctly represent Muslim concerns and interests, and provide an alternative to mainstream media.

    Yet at the same time, Muslims are facing challenges that need to be addressed more than ever before. While many institutions are active in promoting engagement and serving community needs, others are not doing much. “I think the Muslim community is finally waking up,” says Azra Baig, an elected member of the Board of Education in South Brunswick, New Jersey. “9/11 was definitely a wake-up call, but I think people have just gotten more comfortable after that. But I think with what has happened recently at San Bernardino – the terrorist attacks and the Islamophobia and anti-Muslim remarks by candidates for elections, I think people are finally waking up to the need to get more engaged and more involved. I’ve heard it so many times in the polls – when someone knows a Muslim, they are more comfortable regarding Islam and different aspects, but if their only source of information is the media, then I don’t blame them for being scared, how else are they learning about Islam and Muslims?” While many great efforts are being made by organizations and individuals, a lot more needs to be done. Below are a number of suggestions based upon my discussion with various activists, and community leaders and members, and my research into actions our organizations can take to better meet the challenges of today.

    Create Awareness Among the Leadership

    For any effective changes to take place in our institutions, it is vital that our leadership be well-informed and aware of the needs and problems of the community they serve. Many mosque boards are made up of first generation immigrants, those who have not grown up in Western societies and therefore do not fully understand the problems faced by the youth, are not inclined to promoting political participation, and tend to be somewhat conservative and resistant to change. Also, says Asif Hirani, Program Director at WhyIslam, many of them “do not understand the importance of interfaith activities because they may not be as important in their Muslim majority countries.” He adds, “We need to create awareness in the leadership of the masjids and among board and shura members. In terms of keeping our masjids open, we also need to change the culture of our masjids.” For effective civic engagement and educational and counseling activities to properly meet the needs of the community, it is essential that board members and community leaders be those with an awareness and understanding, based on experience, of present-day Western society and culture.

    Conduct a Survey About Community Needs

    Often, the biggest obstacle in the way of any institution’s ability to properly serve the needs of its community is a lack of knowledge and understanding of what those needs really are. Without adequate information, any available funds are just funneled into activities which may or may not be relevant or adequately serve the needs of the community. Each region and each community has different needs based on its demographics. Masjids with a membership primarily of professionals will have different needs from those of a lower income community. Those with more third generation immigrants have different needs than those with many newly arriving immigrants. It is important to know who makes up the community, what the most pressing needs are, and what issues are important to community members.

    Knowing all of this can help an institution or mosque cater to the specific needs of the community in terms of designing classes or lectures, mobilizing support for social services, acting as advocate at city council meetings, or presenting issues to boards of education. As such, a survey should include questions about marital status, household composition including gender and age of each family member, ethnicity, country of origin, length of residence in the U.S., education, professional or employment status, and income range. The survey can also solicit information about what social, economic, and political issues the respondents consider important, what they expect their institutions to advocate for them, and on what issues and/or topics they want educational opportunities by way of lectures, workshops, or classes.

    Surveys can be in paper form or provided on an Islamic center’s website. Additional methods can be used in tandem, such as assigning individuals or teams to solicit the information from community members; events and meetings can also be held to solicit information, discuss issues, and brainstorm activities and services to meet community needs.

    Designate Teams or Individuals for Specific Tasks

    Once a community’s needs are identified, tasks must be prioritized and funds and resources channeled accordingly. Depending on the size of the community, the amount of work needed for a particular task, and the resources available, the institution must designate either an individual or a team for each task or project. For example, an individual or team should be made responsible for social justice issues, and for representing the mosque or the community at city council meetings or in meetings with regional representatives. Another team could be assigned to deal with media outreach, and so forth. “I go to meetings and sometimes I’m the only Muslim over there,” says Rameez Abid, Communications Director for the ICNA Council for Social Justice. Regarding Muslim advocacy for social justice issues like homelessness, hunger, and civil rights, he says, “I think one person dedicated to this cause can do it as a volunteer. If they can’t find someone to do it, I suggest hiring someone part time to do it. It is very important.”

    It is important that an organization assign specific individuals or teams for the various tasks so that no one person or team is overwhelmed with too many responsibilities. In that way, also, the interests, skills, and expertise of available individuals are utilized in an effective way. “Religious leaders have their own roles to play and they are already overworked,” says Amira Elghawaby, Communications Director at the National Council of Canadian Muslims (NCCM). “The roles within mosques and institutions have to be broadened to bring in more people who are keen in different areas of work and so associations and mosques can foster greater involvement because they often do have some funding available to support this kind of work.”

    Elghawaby says this could include the mosque hiring and training their own people to help represent the community and provide a Muslim perspective at municipal and other local events. They can also hire or train individuals to focus on the local media, foster relationships, and thus represent the community in that way. There can be positions open to interns and volunteers to assist the person(s) assigned to the job. This is a good way to get students to fulfill their volunteer hours and internship requirements by benefiting the community.

    Government and the Media Relationships

    Muslims need to build good relationships with their government representatives at the local and regional level in order to communicate the Muslim perspective and concerns. This requires inviting local and state officials to the mosque or other Islamic events, meeting with them about specific concerns or priorities, and attending important events organized by them. Azra Baig says, “It’s important because they want to hear from us and they do represent us. If they are going to support us, we need to support them on the various issues. We need to be there when they have their press conferences, their petitions, we have to vote and a vote helps – especially this coming election the Muslim vote is going to matter.”

    Baig says building a good relationship with the media is also vital because “the media is also our voice.” This includes issuing press releases and sending out invitations for events. An effective media strategy also means following mainstream media reporting about Muslims and responding when relevant or necessary. Nazim Bakshn, a researcher and journalist, says that engagement with the media includes making spokespersons, analysts, and scholars available to provide commentary and analysis when events involving or relevant to Muslims take place.

    Represent Community in the Mainstream

    Our institutions and mosques must step out of the traditional roles they are used to and be ready to rise to the next level. They of courses need to serve as a place of worship and spiritual guidance for the Muslim community, but also as a platform for activism and advocacy. As part of a society where Muslims are a minority, it is easy for our institutions to stay in their comfort zones, insular and disconnected to the larger community. But it is increasingly important for our institutions to step out of their own circle and be a part of the mainstream. This includes advocating causes that benefit the wider society, transcending boundaries of race, ethnicity, and religion. It also means representing the concerns and interests of the Muslim community at city council meetings or presenting issues to the board of education. Rameez Abid notes, “We cannot be isolationist,” adding, “In order to secure our rights, we have to secure others’ rights as well and that is part of our deen.”

    Build a Stronger Social Media Presence

    In this digital age of pervasive social media, it is important to utilize the tools of the time to spread our message and benefit our communities more widely. “Many a time, many members of the community are not aware of the activities at the masjid,” says Muhammad Ibrahim Ali, an Arabic instructor at Taqwa seminary and Bayyinah. “So for example the event is over and they get to know [too] late – so it’s very important for them [organizations] to improve their social media presence and not only to improve, they have to compete with the other organizations – even utilizing modern methods of media marketing.” Our Prophet (pbuh) also used the technique of his time to get his message across to a wider audience. For instance, he went to Mount Safa to call out to people to deliver his message when he wished to invite the Quraish openly to Islam. The custom was to go to Mount Safa when one had an important message to announce to the people at large.

    Come Together and Unite with Others

    Although each institution works independently, it is vital that links be maintained with other institutions and that the institutions stand united on a variety of causes, cooperating by sharing resources, expertise, information, ideas, and personnel. “Unity is something that strengthens all communities,” says Elghawaby. “I think that we need to come together at the local level for sure to find out what’s going on in our communities and who is doing what… how can we either replicate or complement or contribute to these efforts on a professional national scale and in a way that the work that is done is not lost in someone’s mind, it becomes part of our institutional memories.”

    Professionalism and Concerted Effort

    Organizations today base their operations on goal-setting, efficiency, productivity, and streamlining of systems. “I think the really most important thing is to approach these issues with a very high degree of professionalism,” says Elghawaby. She says one of the challenges is that there will always be well-meaning individuals who work as activists on one cause or another, and that this is valuable work. But the drawback is “when an individual undertakes this work, not with an institution, then there is going to be the loss of the memory of what they have done, so there is no institutional memory to the type of work or relationships they fostered. Once they lose interest or once they don’t have time to continue their work, it sort of disappears so that is one reason why it is so critical to engage institutions.”

    Elghawaby continues, “I think it’s really important that this work is done with professionalism and with real goal-setting in mind. It cannot be done in a way that’s sort of ad hoc. It really has to be a concerted effort.” Her organization has recently launched an initiative called “Stronger Together” which aims to galvanize Canadian Muslims in every major city to be more civically engaged, and to advocate both on local and national issues. The organization has put up a pledge on its website inviting people to commit to greater activism. The organization will then map out all those who took the pledge and cluster them together in teams according to their geographic areas, and then provide support and training on how to get involved in various issues. Their first campaign is about a Canadian anti-terror bill, C-51, and will be encouraging participants to approach their local parliament members and talk to them about the legislation. This is a good example of how institutions can work in an organized and efficient manner to promote more civic engagement. It is important for our institutions to learn from one another and pool resources, ideas, and expertise to better serve the community. Our organizations must rise to the next level, promote civic engagement and meet the various needs of the community.

  • Islam, Human Development, NGOs and the Challenge of Terrorism in Africa

    Islam, Human Development, NGOs and the Challenge of Terrorism in Africa

    Africa is the second largest continent on the planet.   It is the home of early man; it is the cradle of life from which human beings branched out to populate the globe. Yet, despite being the fountainhead of civilization, the continent of Africa ranks today at the bottom of the totem pole of social progress. Why is this the case? What are the factors and forces responsible for this state of affairs?   How can one explain this phenomenon of economic underdevelopment?  And finally, what is the role of African religions in this state of affairs?   In writing about Islam and its connection to African development, one must examine these issues to find out what can be done to change the conditions for the better. Along these lines of thought, one must focus on the divide between African Muslims and the Western world with regard to modernization and globalization. We must look at the theological, sociological, political, and economic factors involved in the phenomenon of Islam in Africa and how these play into the perception of the role of Islam and Muslims in the arena of civic responsibility and economic development.  It is for these and other related reasons that we will here examine the relations between Islam and the development of Africa.

    Religion and Human Development

    In our attempt to shed some light on the problem at hand, let us first look at the geography and history of religion in Africa.  John Mbiti, in his Introduction to African Religions and in many other of his writings, has described the African as notoriously religious. Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana makes the point in his book, Consciencism, that Africa is the theater where three strands of religious thought compete for primacy.  In his view, however, the only way Africans can deal effectively with the existential and political challenges they face is to develop a socialist framework within which they can organize themselves for political and economic liberation. It is this author’s view that Africa must, in fact, find a renewed modus vivendi if her people are not to be torn apart by the ideological conflicts arising out of their religious divisions. More than one thousand ethnic groups are caught in the web of globalization. Science and technology, telecommunications, and market forces have penetrated the borders of Africa, challenging the Africans to address the ethnic and religious cleavages that foment conflict and create a breeding ground for the new wave of violence now identified with international terrorism.

    Thousands have died because of religious riots, and the poisonous rhetoric and religious intolerance, with or without foreign backers, have continued unabated

    Africa’s religious heritage has both an Abrahamic and non-Abrahamic face. The Abrahamic aspect is now the dominant one as Judaism, Christianity, and Islam have taken center stage in the African choice of religious ideas and practices. In fact, historically there is an African connection to all of the three Abrahamic religions. Judaism is connected to Africa as seen by the fact that Jews around the world still celebrate their Seder, a ceremonial dinner that commemorates the exodus of Moses and the Hebrew people in their long journey out of slavery in Pharoanic Egypt. Christianity too has its African connection. Reading the Christian gospels one is struck by the fact that young Jesus, Mary, and Joseph had to flee to Egypt to escape King Herod’s persecution of new-borns for fear that any one of them could be a future threat to his throne.  This episode in the Christian scriptures serves as an important reminder to Christians that Jesus was a refugee in Africa. In the modern context, this fact can serve as an effective impetus for global Christian understanding of the plight of Africans in refugee camps today. Welcome or not, the fact remains that Christianity in Africa is a force to be reckoned with, and both advocates of Islam and traditional religions are fully aware of the necessity to co-exist peacefully with their Christian neighbors. This “live and let live” modus vivendi is more evident in Yorubaland than in any other place on the African continent. The sense of inter-religious solidarity among the Yoruba people has been attributed to the “hegemony of culture” by American scholar David Laitin.

    Finally, we find that Islam too has its African connections. At its infancy, this religion that came out of Arabia found refuge from persecution by its own kinfolk with African Christians living in Ethiopia who offered succor. From the sirah of the Prophet, as well as the hadith literature, one can cite evidence showing that Islam is deeply connected to the African experience. African Muslims have always made reference to Bilal Ibn Rabah, the Ethiopian slave who gained manumission in the early stages of Islam in Mecca, and later became the Muezzin of the Islamic movement.

    With scriptural evidence of Africa’s primal connection to all three of the Abrahamic religions, the reality of religious diversity and plurality on the African continent must not be dismissed lightly. If what Samuel Huntington said about the clash of civilizations is true — that cultural and religious identities will be the primary source of conflict in the post-Cold War world — then Africa might be destined to be cannon fodder for the clash between the West and Islam.

    It is only in this context that one can discuss seriously the challenges of modernization and economic development, the expansion of international terrorism, and most importantly, the role and place of Muslim non-governmental organizations in African development.  By development I mean the successful transition of an agrarian or pastoral society into a scientifically conscious and technologically skilled dynamic community.  This would be a society which is progressively committed, through the guidance and support of their leaders, to the study and understanding of natural processes and the establishment of institutions that are sufficiently organized to meet the challenges of ignorance, superstition, natural disaster, material poverty, and cultural deprivation vis-a-vis the Euro-American paradigm generally identified as Westernization.

    Armed conflict has not solved Africa’s political and economic problems

    In this definition of development, the cultural factor must be highlighted as crucial in the self-definition of the people.  Because of the cultural deprivation and the poverty of science and technology in Africa, the people have yet to cross the threshold of industrialization. This fact, indeed, underscores the plight and dilemma of the African continent and its people.  Therefore, when we address the question of religion, economic development, and NGO activities within the sphere of social justice and social change, we find ourselves confronting the paradoxes of the African condition.  African scholars such as Ali A. Mazrui, Claude Ake, George Ayittey, and many others have addressed these paradoxes over the years.  In an essay written for a volume published by the World Bank almost a decade ago, I argued that Africa’s economic and political development has been radically affected by the neglect of culture in the policy-making process of African governments. President Julius Nyerere’s policies of social and economic development in Tanzania after it gained independence from Britain in 1961 (based on a socialist concept and vision called ujamaa), and Kwame Nkrumah’s Consciencism (a philosophical and ideological system calling for the decolonization of Africa) failed due to their unwillingness to engage their respective traditional cultures.  In African society, ethnic, religious, and geopolitical boundaries separate citizens within a nation, in contrast to the U.S., for example, where citizens share bonds of fidelity to the nation through a uniting Constitution and a long tradition of political membership and social identity,  exercise of the vote, and military service.

    Islam, Africa and Non-Govt Orgs (NGOs)

    African societies have dealt with non-governmental organizations in three separate and distinct periods. During the pre-colonial period, individual African societies and communities organized the lives of their peoples according to traditions and the necessities of communal life. With the onset of European colonialism, the patterns of life were gradually changed. For example, in the Senegambian region of the African continent, the people had ruling families and clans; however, communal life necessitated the establishment of Kafo systems (indigenous self-help village  groups) among the Mandinka and parallel structures among the Wolof, Serrere, Jola, Fulani and others. The Kafo system was, and still is, known for its mobilization of young people. Once a child reached puberty, he became a Kambano, an acknowledged member of the council of adults. By then going through certain rites of passage, he is confirmed as a full-fledged member of society with certain responsibilities relating to the welfare and development of the community, and is thus seen as an agent of social change and development. The Kafo was an NGO for its time.  The coming of the Europeans also gave rise to the Boy Scouts, the Girl Guides and other cooperative groups through the churches and secular orders of the society. Independence led to the formation of various civic organizations such as labor movements, political groups such as those advocating socialism or Marxism, and religiously motivated groups such as an Arabic instructor association or a Sufi order. Such civic organizations have gone through a new incarnation in the form of national or regional NGOs. In Gambia, for example, there is a national organization called Tango (The Gambia Association of Non-Governmental Organizations) which caters to the needs of Gambians who embrace the ideas, concepts and activism of the day.

    We can identify a number of different areas of action where the NGOs in Africa and the Islamic organizations, both national and international, share an interest and have grounds for cooperation.

    Development in African societies is inextricably linked to the stability of the international system

    With respect to education and moral development, NGOs could collaborate with Muslim leaders to come up with a wide range of viable options and programs of action. Before colonial rule, local African societies, in their varying ways, set up systems for the educating of the young people before marriage.  Through these systems, the rites of passage served as an effective way of passing the knowledge and wisdom of the elders to the younger generation. These avenues of education were taken to greater heights when Islam and Christianity were introduced. In the Senegambian narratives, for example, the arrival of the Sufi orders led to the organization “of the tongue, the hand and the feet” in the community, of fidelity to Allah and the satisfaction of the “politics of the belly.” This is to say, among the members of the Muridiyya Brotherhood of Senegal and beyond, the followers of Shaykh Ahmad Bamba put forth a new concept of social organization which made their civic engagement comparable to what Donal Cruise Obrien described of the Pilgrims in the American narratives:  serving God and doing hard work were conjoined to create the meaning of life.

    During the colonial period, the closer association between the Christian missionaries and the imperial powers made it possible for these missionaries to more effectively compete for attention among the Africans. With material advantage, they constructed schools, dispensaries, clinics, and hospitals in towns and villages.  By the end of the colonial period, Africa found herself with hundreds if not thousands of NGOs. Muslim leaders, activists for social justice, and relief agencies ought to pay close attention to the history of NGOs in Africa and the varying African opinion about, and attitude toward, NGOs. These considerations could enhance the capacity to understand the state of affairs in individual countries and, thus, better design programs for cooperation and development around the continent.

    Islam, Development, and Intl. Terrorism

    It must be noted that armed conflict has not solved Africa’s political and economic problems. The nationalist movements in Africa succeeded in creating new states that have now reconstituted themselves under the banner of the African Union, the successor to the old Organization of African Unity. Yet, it is abundantly clear that political independence has not translated into economic development. In fact, analysis of Africa’s fifty-five years following independence reveals a drama of civil wars, persecution and violence against the weak and the helpless, failed states, political kleptocracy, and the tragedy of missed opportunities. Poor governance has been rampant in Africa, whether the late Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire who is scornfully remembered as Africa’s greatest villain and kleptocrat, or Idi Amin of Uganda, or the butchers of Kigali, Rwanda, remembered as the most notorious perpetrators of brutality.

    It is against this background that we look at the nexus of Islam, international terrorism, and development.  The issue of international terrorism was brought to global attention during and after the September 11 attack. In my testimony on Africa and international terrorism before the U.S. House of Representatives subcommittee on Africa several weeks before the end of 2001, I made it categorically clear to the U.S. government that “Africa is the weakest link in the chain of anti-terrorism.” This argument was based on a number of reasons. The first is the weakness of the African states which have little to no military power to withstand internal or external subversion.  Unwise policies, intended to hamper any political resistance or rebellion, deny the calls for democracy and reform, with leaders desperately holding on to power at all costs. This creates a breeding ground for terrorism.

    The second reason why Africa is so vulnerable to terrorism is the continent’s economic conditions. Statistical data from the United Nations and the World Bank have painted a bleak picture. The huge number of Africans who are living miserable lives, subsisting on less than one dollar a day, creates ample possibilities for the political manipulation of African youth. They are recruited by foreign or domestic groups that care nothing about African peace and prosperity, who tap the wells of frustration and then exploit the reality of little to no economic opportunity available to these young people.  The likes of Charles Taylor of Liberia, Foday Sankoh of Sierra Leone, and Joseph Kone of Uganda create armies of child-soldiers.  There must be developed practical means of weaning young Africans from the tentacles of domestic terror groups like those just mentioned or international terrorist organizations such as al-Qaeda.  Africa’s political, social, and economic development is inextricably linked to security and stability. This can only be established by the containment, if not outright elimination, of domestic and international terrorism.

    The third reason why Africa is the weakest link in the war against international terrorism lies in the low level of political and social cohesion, with African society split into varied ethnic, regional, religious, and class formations.  One evidence for this state of affairs is the growing divide between the different religious communities. Thousands have died because of religious riots, and the poisonous rhetoric and religious intolerance, with or without foreign backers, have continued unabated. There is a growing presence of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) rooted in, and financed by, religious groups that are stalwart not only in the propagation of their beliefs but also in the stigmatization of their rivals. This state of affairs is more prevalent in some countries more than others. Where such practices prevail, opportunity is created for al-Qaeda and other terrorist groups.

    The fourth reason that Africa is a weak link in the efforts against international terrorism lies in the opportunistic willingness of African intellectuals to compromise their ideals. Struggling to maintain a respectable lifestyle in the face of declining economies, and determined to be relevant in the social narrative, many  African intellectuals and scholars have consciously or unconsciously mortgaged their souls and imaginations to foreign organizations whose visions may or may not tally with the dreams and aspirations of African society. What makes the betrayal by the educated classes so tragic and deadly is that their flirtation with those NGOs, secular or religious, drafts them into the role of an accomplice in the exploitation of the masses and radicalization of some of their fellow citizens.  NGOs that go beyond propagation of their ideologies and policies and engage in divisive activities foment dissension, impeding cooperation and collaboration. Such NGOs continuously plant the seeds of discord in order to gain advantages over their rivals.

    It is important to consider the phenomenon of global solidarity of Muslims. Upon examination, we note that North Africa, Nigeria, the Horn of Africa, East Africa and South Africa have been consistent in the affirmation of support to other Muslims whose societies are undergoing severe political upheavals. This faith-based connectedness can be used for good, for purposes of the pursuit of development and peace; or for ill by groups that agitate and divide. There is need for an enquiry into the nature of such networks and how they can be tapped for peaceful purposes, for development. Without taking action, these groups, such as Hizb ul Tahrir and the affiliates of al-Qaeda, will continue peddling their destructive propaganda. The evidence is strong that many of the foreign insurgents in Iraq were African Muslims, mainly from the east Africa coast. This fact is known to U.S. authorities and attempts have been made to stem the flow.  Although scholars are not in a position to ascertain the numbers and extent of African involvement, they can shed light on the conditions that obtain in the region, the attitudes and policies of the ruling elites, and the receptivity of the Muslim groups to political engagement —  all are crucial elements in the fight against international terrorism in Africa.

    Concluding Remarks

    First, it should be stated that Islam, as a belief system and a way of life, cannot be linked doctrinally to terrorism. Hiraba, unlawful warfare or the perpetration of violence by those who seek to challenge the social or political system, is behavior that falls beyond the pale of the Sharia. Such activities are associated with “spreading disorder in the land,” whether as insurrectionists or highway robbers.  Secondly, terrorism has been demystified and disconnected from its metaphysical roots largely because of the activities of the nationalist/leftist groups that emerged during the liberation struggle in the Third World. Since the rise of the Iranian Islamic Republic in 1979 and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, the groups that are described as terroristic have become more heterogeneous.  Now, however, we are witnessing the return of metaphysical-based terrorist activity after its displacement by the secular forces of the last century.

    The third important point to note is that development in African societies is inextricably linked to the stability of the international system. Africa cannot survive without the international system because of its precarious position politically and economically. Somalia is an interesting example of the paradoxical nature of the interconnectedness of nations, particularly of the U.S. and the Muslim world. As a result of the American humanitarian involvement in Somalia under Operation Restore Hope, Somalis are now scattered across the face of the earth. This unprecedented development of a Somali Diaspora has potentially positive and negative consequences for both the U.S. and Somalia.

    Finally, it is important to note that international terrorism of the al-Qaeda variety is not likely to gain ground in Africa. Although the continent is vulnerable to external penetration, the legitimacy of Osama Bin Laden is bankrupt, as his theological arguments are counterfeit. While al-Qaeda taps on the frustrations of Muslims across the globe, its indiscriminate and un-Islamic violence will ultimately undermine its success.